The right to criticize the icon Savian or
[Alessandro Dal Lago - 03/06/2010]
I'm not going to defend the "critical" for my book on the case-Gomorra Saviano (also because it is, for the most part, not critical, but of abhorrence and "Get behind me '). If you are interested in the question, I can read and judge accordingly. I speak instead on the charges of desecration that some (Eg Violante and Flores d'Arcais) thrown at me, evidently without having read the text and in the case of Flores, urging the public not to read it. Here, as in other cases (I think Sofri) there is only a call for censorship (criticizing me for saying so but not because I say it).It is also a mythological way of thinking, authoritarian, and thereby substantially papal, making especially in people (I mean Sofri and Flores) passing through samples of free speech and secularism. This is the culture that oppose Berlusconi?
For Violante, my left is a typical case of "iconoclastic." Ne deduco che per lui la sinistra deve adorare le icone. E non diversamente pensa Flores, quando invita a manifestare contro Berlusconi o a darsi al sesso o ad altre attività ricreative, piuttosto che leggermi quando critico Saviano. Insomma, guai a entrare nel merito di quello che Saviano scrive. E soprattutto, guai a interrogarci sul significato politico dell'identificazione di una parte consistente della sinistra nella sua figura e nella sua opera.
È semplicemente quanto ho tentato di fare nel mio libro a tre livelli, narrativo, mediale e sociologico (tra parentesi, occuparmi di queste cose è esattamente il mio mestiere, diversamente da quanto Flores, che pure mi conosce da quasi trent'anni, fa credere Without the readers of this newspaper). Narrative level: I analyzed the "truth" of Gomorra based on the text and nothing else, ignoring any gossip about his sources, but bringing to light the technical nature of the self-referential narration ("I was there and saw, and then I speak the truth "); medial level: I have discussed the construction, much of the media, the heroism of Saviano, showing how the writer, in his subsequent assistance to Gomorrah, has somehow embraced the role that was sewn; sociological level (and if you like, political) which means the process of iconization of the writer in the public sphere of our country?
The last point seems to me decisive, and integrates the first two. The transformation of Saviano, left, an icon of good versus evil (represented by organized crime) moving the political conflict in a fundamentally different moral dimension and moral and consolatory. An illusory dimension, in which - but this is only a guess - many download the frustrations of a left that is not largely represented, or is powerless against the triumph of right. The interesting fact is that the category of heroism has historically been the prerogative of the right romantic (think Evola), which explains the good fortune to Saviano between the followers of Fini (see foundation Farefuturo and what he thinks of me). Consequently, the classic indictment zdanoviana I turn Sofri and Flores ("who benefits?") Is laughable, another aspect of their reaction to censorship.
As befits someone who, willingly or unwillingly, has been transformed into an icon of heroism, often Saviano positions on matters of public interest are unanimous and apolitical, and that is good for all (although the booklet I recognize that sometimes takes a stand against the excesses of the regime the most outstanding in the field of conflict of interest). Claiming that the recent struggle of students against the destruction of public school and university has very little in the face of crime organized or reduce the deaths of soldiers in Afghanistan to the issue of poor children in the south who have no alternative, saying nothing of the meaning of war and of the implication of Italy, is something that you can not pass over in silence. Nobody asks Saviano to deal with these problems. But if he writes or talks about it, of course, is questionable, like everyone else. I find it ironic that someone all of this liquid, namely the critique of what Saviano says, in terms of 'envy' as is argued that if a film critic speaks ill of a film, because envy is the director.
But behind all these reactions, hysterical from time to time, or morality, si profila un enorme problema politico: l'impotenza evidente di un'idea di alternativa basata quasi esclusivamente sull'opposizione all'anomalia Berlusconi, e non al blocco di interessi (e valori e simboli) che il cavaliere sintetizza. Di fatto, precari e pensionati, studenti e lavoratori, insegnanti e tutte le altre figure socialmente deboli (per non parlare di marginali, esclusi e stranieri) sono sostanzialmente soli sulla scena politica, in balia di questa destra. E, come le elezioni dimostrano, la mancanza di rappresentanza porta anche quote importanti di elettori di sinistra a votare per gli altri (un classico sintomo di un sistema sociale e politico in preda al populismo). La destra fa politica di classe, eccome, l'opposizione no.
E questo è anche un effetto dello spostamento del conflitto in chiave simbolico-morale (e, sì, giustizialista), come dimostra l'ossessione unanime per la legalità. Ecco allora che il conflitto è evacuato, che tutto (dalla questione del lavoro all'ignobile condizione delle nostre carceri o al razzismo imperante) viene minimizzato o comunque messo in secondo piano. Ed è inevitabile se, in nome della legalità, ci mettiamo a priori dalla parte dell'ordine, politico o simbolico che sia.
Di questo, ovviamente, a Saviano non imputo una particolare responsabilità, anche se lo critico, in base ai suoi scritti, per aver contribuito ampiamente alla retorica heroism. But perhaps his followers a priori and independently of the vestal virgins of public indignation that pontificating from the media tribune, are not exactly innocent of depoliticization that I speak of above. And thinking of them, I wonder who respects more, ultimately, the writer persecuted by the mafia: who takes it seriously, discussing also polemically, or those who kneel before her icon.
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