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The red zone policy

The red zone policy

14 DECEMBER IS STILL DISCUSSING!

The echo of the Roman square of 14 continues to reverberate. The fuse is lit by the rebellion of precarious generation has upset truth suppositories and convenience gained. Remains strong, the question of how to interpret, how to cope and how to respond to an explosion not compatible because irreducible politically, socially hires antagonist.

The source of turbulent statements and fictitious projects in recent days, the ranks of our politicians, are taking shape are the explicit demonstration of this their difficulties, their paranoia of this, the faults that December 14 was able to generate. The concern of the future that hangs in the front pages of newspapers for days, as is the political fact which shows how strong and what is not only aware of the impossibility of bringing the jacquerie the Piazza del Popolo (thus its its origins and why) in games "to reconcile civil and polite" that both like (and need) to Professorin Saviano, the party newspaper La Repubblica, etc ... but also the feeling that all was not exhausted and ended there ...

The amazing propaganda operations of the miserable politicians che governa il nostro paese si sono spinte fino alla trita e ritrita retorica dell' "emergenza democratica" che necessita di legislazione speciale e affini. Ha iniziato le danze il sindaco romano Alemanno che ha parlato di "zona rossa" da allargare e rafforzare per quanto concerne i palazzi del potere, ha proseguito il ministro degli interni Maroni rispolverando il meccanismo repressivo del Daspo utilizzato per le curve ultras da applicare alle manifestazioni politiche, ha chiuso (all'oggi) il cerchio del circo il capogruppo dei senatori del Pdl Gasparri, che ha invocato un nuovo 7 aprile contro i manifestanti, alludendo all'operazione politica repressiva compiuta contro Autonomia Operaia nell'aprile del 1979.

Beyond the feasibility of the "three horsemen of the apocalypse" are threatened-where beyond the propaganda and obviously lacks realism - the paradigmatic political question of all that we are witnessing in the post-December 14 is the fear that lorsignori live and feel him, terror potential for explosion of a generational revolt that the cry of "que se vayan todos" could only begin to kill them and the existing ' openness to transformation!

Monday, 20 the bill returns to the debate, this time in the Senate, where discounted are the government numbers to get through. Certainly, the marches and initiatives that will be provided in various cities and Italian universities will not repeat what is shown on 14 in the capital. -The question now - is yet another. As someone wrote the bill was a casus belli, the real battle begins now! Since the ability to connect other parts of Italy (and Europe) that do not intend to pay for the crisis. The 14 was a healthy opening fault for what we hope will soon be an earthquake. Those clashes have forced the radical and the political class - and the journalism it doormat - to recognize the existence of a social issue and removed unresolved . They are the first lines of the new class struggle that is at least as mandated lead arranger in Europe.

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The right to criticize the icon Saviano

The right to criticize the icon Savian or

[Alessandro Dal Lago - 03/06/2010]

I'm not going to defend the "critical" for my book on the case-Gomorra Saviano (also because it is, for the most part, not critical, but of abhorrence and "Get behind me '). If you are interested in the question, I can read and judge accordingly. I speak instead on the charges of desecration that some (Eg Violante and Flores d'Arcais) thrown at me, evidently without having read the text and in the case of Flores, urging the public not to read it. Here, as in other cases (I think Sofri) there is only a call for censorship (criticizing me for saying so but not because I say it).

It is also a mythological way of thinking, authoritarian, and thereby substantially papal, making especially in people (I mean Sofri and Flores) passing through samples of free speech and secularism. This is the culture that oppose Berlusconi?

For Violante, my left is a typical case of "iconoclastic." Ne deduco che per lui la sinistra deve adorare le icone. E non diversamente pensa Flores, quando invita a manifestare contro Berlusconi o a darsi al sesso o ad altre attività ricreative, piuttosto che leggermi quando critico Saviano. Insomma, guai a entrare nel merito di quello che Saviano scrive. E soprattutto, guai a interrogarci sul significato politico dell'identificazione di una parte consistente della sinistra nella sua figura e nella sua opera.

È semplicemente quanto ho tentato di fare nel mio libro a tre livelli, narrativo, mediale e sociologico (tra parentesi, occuparmi di queste cose è esattamente il mio mestiere, diversamente da quanto Flores, che pure mi conosce da quasi trent'anni, fa credere Without the readers of this newspaper). Narrative level: I analyzed the "truth" of Gomorra based on the text and nothing else, ignoring any gossip about his sources, but bringing to light the technical nature of the self-referential narration ("I was there and saw, and then I speak the truth "); medial level: I have discussed the construction, much of the media, the heroism of Saviano, showing how the writer, in his subsequent assistance to Gomorrah, has somehow embraced the role that was sewn; sociological level (and if you like, political) which means the process of iconization of the writer in the public sphere of our country?

The last point seems to me decisive, and integrates the first two. The transformation of Saviano, left, an icon of good versus evil (represented by organized crime) moving the political conflict in a fundamentally different moral dimension and moral and consolatory. An illusory dimension, in which - but this is only a guess - many download the frustrations of a left that is not largely represented, or is powerless against the triumph of right. The interesting fact is that the category of heroism has historically been the prerogative of the right romantic (think Evola), which explains the good fortune to Saviano between the followers of Fini (see foundation Farefuturo and what he thinks of me). Consequently, the classic indictment zdanoviana I turn Sofri and Flores ("who benefits?") Is laughable, another aspect of their reaction to censorship.

As befits someone who, willingly or unwillingly, has been transformed into an icon of heroism, often Saviano positions on matters of public interest are unanimous and apolitical, and that is good for all (although the booklet I recognize that sometimes takes a stand against the excesses of the regime the most outstanding in the field of conflict of interest). Claiming that the recent struggle of students against the destruction of public school and university has very little in the face of crime organized or reduce the deaths of soldiers in Afghanistan to the issue of poor children in the south who have no alternative, saying nothing of the meaning of war and of the implication of Italy, is something that you can not pass over in silence. Nobody asks Saviano to deal with these problems. But if he writes or talks about it, of course, is questionable, like everyone else. I find it ironic that someone all of this liquid, namely the critique of what Saviano says, in terms of 'envy' as is argued that if a film critic speaks ill of a film, because envy is the director.

But behind all these reactions, hysterical from time to time, or morality, si profila un enorme problema politico: l'impotenza evidente di un'idea di alternativa basata quasi esclusivamente sull'opposizione all'anomalia Berlusconi, e non al blocco di interessi (e valori e simboli) che il cavaliere sintetizza. Di fatto, precari e pensionati, studenti e lavoratori, insegnanti e tutte le altre figure socialmente deboli (per non parlare di marginali, esclusi e stranieri) sono sostanzialmente soli sulla scena politica, in balia di questa destra. E, come le elezioni dimostrano, la mancanza di rappresentanza porta anche quote importanti di elettori di sinistra a votare per gli altri (un classico sintomo di un sistema sociale e politico in preda al populismo). La destra fa politica di classe, eccome, l'opposizione no.

E questo è anche un effetto dello spostamento del conflitto in chiave simbolico-morale (e, sì, giustizialista), come dimostra l'ossessione unanime per la legalità. Ecco allora che il conflitto è evacuato, che tutto (dalla questione del lavoro all'ignobile condizione delle nostre carceri o al razzismo imperante) viene minimizzato o comunque messo in secondo piano. Ed è inevitabile se, in nome della legalità, ci mettiamo a priori dalla parte dell'ordine, politico o simbolico che sia.

Di questo, ovviamente, a Saviano non imputo una particolare responsabilità, anche se lo critico, in base ai suoi scritti, per aver contribuito ampiamente alla retorica heroism. But perhaps his followers a priori and independently of the vestal virgins of public indignation that pontificating from the media tribune, are not exactly innocent of depoliticization that I speak of above. And thinking of them, I wonder who respects more, ultimately, the writer persecuted by the mafia: who takes it seriously, discussing also polemically, or those who kneel before her icon.

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WHY 'IN THE PIAZZA December 14

PART ONE - INTRODUCTION

take to the streets on December 14 for students means we express our disagreement nei confronti del DDL Gelmini in coincidenza con la votazione di fiducia al Governo; una legge che darebbe il colpo di grazia all’università dopo vent’anni di indecenti riforme di ogni colore (Ruberti, Martinotti, Berlinguer, Zecchino e Moratti). Vorremmo mettere in evidenza che la natura autentica della riforma Gelmini non risiede solo nel taglio dei finanziamenti pubblici (F.F.O.), non negli slogan anti-baroni, non nella posizione dei ricercatori, neanche nella ricetta di una “giusta meritocrazia”, queste sono tutte trovate pubblicitarie volte a sviare l’attenzione. L’autentico significato della riforma, nascosto da media e partiti di opposizione, sta nell’entrata trionfale dei private decision-making bodies and management of individual faculties, private entities operating income, will direct the research, study plans according to their own interests.
is not a problem of the governing parties, even those who are currently part of the opposition is in agreement with this type of reform, keen to see the entry of private, talk of meritocracy as a thing to define.
Both sides favor a political concept of research immediately be spent to the detriment of knowledge deemed "useless" because apart from the market and proposed the formula of the competition among universities for the allocation of funding, almost like supermarkets or insurance companies, the idea of \u200b\u200ba public service dedicated to the intellectual progress of mass is not considered. Even
Confindustria, which together with the bank said its program to the governments and organic relationships with all parliamentary political parties , ruled in favor of this reform project: the industry has never concerned merely to take advantage of free workshops and knowledge for your business.
The statement did not party.

SECOND THEME

A reform that began long ago, 20 years of EU processes on the economy and education.
Governments intention to transform definitely universities from places of free movement of knowledge and of knowledge, a mere factories eternal temporary, tied to the whims of capital that will fund the universities.
All reforms approved and presented previously derived from the Bologna Process, a dynamic process of reform of European character, which aims at the creation by 2020 of a European Higher Education Area coherent and cohesive.
The key points are:

1) Transparency in the structures and curricula.
Made possible through the creation of the credit system (ECTS), "serves to provide more detailed information on studies that have been completed, eg by stating the home university, the level, content, quality performance, this will be useful to companies to choose the best product designed to increase its capital.
This is a real traceability of the product, the product of the student format.

2) The appeal is one of the requirements for the project. Un'attrattività to seduce students, employers, investors, and promote, as the scope of strategic market development, liberalization of the educational sector. The mutual attraction becomes perchè ora è il lavoro, o meglio il mercato, che cerca la conoscenza perchè di questa ha bisogno e pretende di definirne la natura in base ai propri bisogni.

TERZO TEMA

Tutto ciò coincide con il momento storico in cui viviamo, un momento di crisi del sistema capitalista, dove gli stati si disimpegnano da ciò che chiamavamo “welfare state”, per lasciare tutto in mano all’iniziativa privata più sfrenata, vedi acqua, energie rinnovabili e non, trasporti ecc…
Anni di politiche economiche basate sul più sfrontato neoliberismo hanno portato alla disgregazione del cosiddetto “stato sociale”.
Le proteste studentesche and the struggles of the workers have in common being the result of this type of social policies murderous .
across Europe is gradually developing a firm response to these policies: to support, extend and develop this response has the duty (and need) for us students.
The main social achievements have been obtained with the unity between workers and students, to defend the way to go is the same.

fourth theme

Students in Cagliari have never considered as part of the social as a living part and parcel of the city itself.
In a city with about 37 000 students are only available 1000 beds.
The town, a few years ago, has not approved the project of the University Campus, which provided services, libraries and as many beds. The rejection did go up in smoke 120 million euro, an "excess of volumes." The structure was to make a significant improvement, in fact, are aware of the disastrous condition of some accommodation and canteens are also many cases rents in black, without there being a minimum of control.
regional institutions, municipal and county have decided to tackle the problem with funding of € 20 million, through the Integrated Plan for the right to study, an ecclesiastical structure to private participation: the "College Sant'Efisio.
A structure designed for the less fortunate, at a cost of € 600 per month, which priests and surely the industry will ensure full right to study.
Regarding the transport situation, the Ctm Spa has increased the cost of an annual € 42 (September-July), to students who pass an income of € 28,540, this figure arrived at only after the ongoing student protests . The single fares have risen from € 1 to 1.20 while those of light rail from € 1 to 2; who pays this kind of increase, of course, are the most vulnerable economic groups, as students and the elderly, who use the service daily.
There are social spaces in the city dedicated to the students, and to talk about politics, where students are free to provide what they learn.
On days from November 29 to December 2, we tried to reverse this trend, we entered in every classroom, every library in the University, showing our discomfort in the streets of the city, we returned to the streets with the desire to raise awareness and involve all social partners.

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Magisterium mobilized

On the facts of Rome in 14/12, more than 14

The events of 14/12 in Rome we deliver a truth so obvious, but now obvious why substantiated by the event: lo spazio della politica, ovvero quello della produzione di nuova realtà, si trova nei corpi che si spendono e non a Montecitorio, si trova nel conflitto e nel desiderio.

Centomila in corteo, centomila ai quali è stato detto “per te non c’è spazio”; “non c’è spazio per il tuo territorio” è stato detto agli aquilani, “non c’è spazio per il tuo lavoro” ai metalmeccanici, “non c’è spazio per il tuo futuro” a una generazione intera, agli studenti. Centomila in corteo ai quali, da tempo ormai, è stata dichiarata una guerra.

Perchè il 14 allora? Quale relazione tra gli equilibrismi in parlamento di una maggioranza di governo e i nostri desideri? Il 14 è diventato un pretesto o meglio, il passaggio obbligato per riprendersi, nelle forme tumultuose e assolute della politica, della democrazia, quello spazio negato, per ribadire quella verità che risiede nella forza dei corpi, ovvero, in ultima istanza, che su noi stessi vogliamo esser sovrani solo noi e quando una piazza pronuncia un “noi” nei termini odierni annuncia che o se ne va chi (o cosa) le ha dichiarato guerra o se ne va lei.

Domani allora ci sveglieremo per ricordarci che non stiamo aspettando nessuna fiducia se non quella verso noi stessi. Con la certezza di questo abbandono a noi stessi, o forse con questa riappropriazione di noi stessi, dobbiamo again from the places of our daily conflict to imagine the production of our free forms of life, never to return - for what concerns the university - to Montecitorio to ask that we make the best ruby \u200b\u200bstolen or that we re-re-reforming "knowledge factory and saputi.

Tomorrow attrezziamoci to think about the end of this university and to imagine the way we produce and circulate knowledge (without base power) ...

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Silence and Noise

Because even remaining silent so we are told perhaps too much.
silence - just

And when in one night t'assale summer frost and the stomach is closed, the noise you need more than anything else.
noise - freeze