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The red zone policy

The red zone policy

14 DECEMBER IS STILL DISCUSSING!

The echo of the Roman square of 14 continues to reverberate. The fuse is lit by the rebellion of precarious generation has upset truth suppositories and convenience gained. Remains strong, the question of how to interpret, how to cope and how to respond to an explosion not compatible because irreducible politically, socially hires antagonist.

The source of turbulent statements and fictitious projects in recent days, the ranks of our politicians, are taking shape are the explicit demonstration of this their difficulties, their paranoia of this, the faults that December 14 was able to generate. The concern of the future that hangs in the front pages of newspapers for days, as is the political fact which shows how strong and what is not only aware of the impossibility of bringing the jacquerie the Piazza del Popolo (thus its its origins and why) in games "to reconcile civil and polite" that both like (and need) to Professorin Saviano, the party newspaper La Repubblica, etc ... but also the feeling that all was not exhausted and ended there ...

The amazing propaganda operations of the miserable politicians che governa il nostro paese si sono spinte fino alla trita e ritrita retorica dell' "emergenza democratica" che necessita di legislazione speciale e affini. Ha iniziato le danze il sindaco romano Alemanno che ha parlato di "zona rossa" da allargare e rafforzare per quanto concerne i palazzi del potere, ha proseguito il ministro degli interni Maroni rispolverando il meccanismo repressivo del Daspo utilizzato per le curve ultras da applicare alle manifestazioni politiche, ha chiuso (all'oggi) il cerchio del circo il capogruppo dei senatori del Pdl Gasparri, che ha invocato un nuovo 7 aprile contro i manifestanti, alludendo all'operazione politica repressiva compiuta contro Autonomia Operaia nell'aprile del 1979.

Beyond the feasibility of the "three horsemen of the apocalypse" are threatened-where beyond the propaganda and obviously lacks realism - the paradigmatic political question of all that we are witnessing in the post-December 14 is the fear that lorsignori live and feel him, terror potential for explosion of a generational revolt that the cry of "que se vayan todos" could only begin to kill them and the existing ' openness to transformation!

Monday, 20 the bill returns to the debate, this time in the Senate, where discounted are the government numbers to get through. Certainly, the marches and initiatives that will be provided in various cities and Italian universities will not repeat what is shown on 14 in the capital. -The question now - is yet another. As someone wrote the bill was a casus belli, the real battle begins now! Since the ability to connect other parts of Italy (and Europe) that do not intend to pay for the crisis. The 14 was a healthy opening fault for what we hope will soon be an earthquake. Those clashes have forced the radical and the political class - and the journalism it doormat - to recognize the existence of a social issue and removed unresolved . They are the first lines of the new class struggle that is at least as mandated lead arranger in Europe.

Kates Playground Pedia

The right to criticize the icon Saviano

The right to criticize the icon Savian or

[Alessandro Dal Lago - 03/06/2010]

I'm not going to defend the "critical" for my book on the case-Gomorra Saviano (also because it is, for the most part, not critical, but of abhorrence and "Get behind me '). If you are interested in the question, I can read and judge accordingly. I speak instead on the charges of desecration that some (Eg Violante and Flores d'Arcais) thrown at me, evidently without having read the text and in the case of Flores, urging the public not to read it. Here, as in other cases (I think Sofri) there is only a call for censorship (criticizing me for saying so but not because I say it).

It is also a mythological way of thinking, authoritarian, and thereby substantially papal, making especially in people (I mean Sofri and Flores) passing through samples of free speech and secularism. This is the culture that oppose Berlusconi?

For Violante, my left is a typical case of "iconoclastic." Ne deduco che per lui la sinistra deve adorare le icone. E non diversamente pensa Flores, quando invita a manifestare contro Berlusconi o a darsi al sesso o ad altre attività ricreative, piuttosto che leggermi quando critico Saviano. Insomma, guai a entrare nel merito di quello che Saviano scrive. E soprattutto, guai a interrogarci sul significato politico dell'identificazione di una parte consistente della sinistra nella sua figura e nella sua opera.

È semplicemente quanto ho tentato di fare nel mio libro a tre livelli, narrativo, mediale e sociologico (tra parentesi, occuparmi di queste cose è esattamente il mio mestiere, diversamente da quanto Flores, che pure mi conosce da quasi trent'anni, fa credere Without the readers of this newspaper). Narrative level: I analyzed the "truth" of Gomorra based on the text and nothing else, ignoring any gossip about his sources, but bringing to light the technical nature of the self-referential narration ("I was there and saw, and then I speak the truth "); medial level: I have discussed the construction, much of the media, the heroism of Saviano, showing how the writer, in his subsequent assistance to Gomorrah, has somehow embraced the role that was sewn; sociological level (and if you like, political) which means the process of iconization of the writer in the public sphere of our country?

The last point seems to me decisive, and integrates the first two. The transformation of Saviano, left, an icon of good versus evil (represented by organized crime) moving the political conflict in a fundamentally different moral dimension and moral and consolatory. An illusory dimension, in which - but this is only a guess - many download the frustrations of a left that is not largely represented, or is powerless against the triumph of right. The interesting fact is that the category of heroism has historically been the prerogative of the right romantic (think Evola), which explains the good fortune to Saviano between the followers of Fini (see foundation Farefuturo and what he thinks of me). Consequently, the classic indictment zdanoviana I turn Sofri and Flores ("who benefits?") Is laughable, another aspect of their reaction to censorship.

As befits someone who, willingly or unwillingly, has been transformed into an icon of heroism, often Saviano positions on matters of public interest are unanimous and apolitical, and that is good for all (although the booklet I recognize that sometimes takes a stand against the excesses of the regime the most outstanding in the field of conflict of interest). Claiming that the recent struggle of students against the destruction of public school and university has very little in the face of crime organized or reduce the deaths of soldiers in Afghanistan to the issue of poor children in the south who have no alternative, saying nothing of the meaning of war and of the implication of Italy, is something that you can not pass over in silence. Nobody asks Saviano to deal with these problems. But if he writes or talks about it, of course, is questionable, like everyone else. I find it ironic that someone all of this liquid, namely the critique of what Saviano says, in terms of 'envy' as is argued that if a film critic speaks ill of a film, because envy is the director.

But behind all these reactions, hysterical from time to time, or morality, si profila un enorme problema politico: l'impotenza evidente di un'idea di alternativa basata quasi esclusivamente sull'opposizione all'anomalia Berlusconi, e non al blocco di interessi (e valori e simboli) che il cavaliere sintetizza. Di fatto, precari e pensionati, studenti e lavoratori, insegnanti e tutte le altre figure socialmente deboli (per non parlare di marginali, esclusi e stranieri) sono sostanzialmente soli sulla scena politica, in balia di questa destra. E, come le elezioni dimostrano, la mancanza di rappresentanza porta anche quote importanti di elettori di sinistra a votare per gli altri (un classico sintomo di un sistema sociale e politico in preda al populismo). La destra fa politica di classe, eccome, l'opposizione no.

E questo è anche un effetto dello spostamento del conflitto in chiave simbolico-morale (e, sì, giustizialista), come dimostra l'ossessione unanime per la legalità. Ecco allora che il conflitto è evacuato, che tutto (dalla questione del lavoro all'ignobile condizione delle nostre carceri o al razzismo imperante) viene minimizzato o comunque messo in secondo piano. Ed è inevitabile se, in nome della legalità, ci mettiamo a priori dalla parte dell'ordine, politico o simbolico che sia.

Di questo, ovviamente, a Saviano non imputo una particolare responsabilità, anche se lo critico, in base ai suoi scritti, per aver contribuito ampiamente alla retorica heroism. But perhaps his followers a priori and independently of the vestal virgins of public indignation that pontificating from the media tribune, are not exactly innocent of depoliticization that I speak of above. And thinking of them, I wonder who respects more, ultimately, the writer persecuted by the mafia: who takes it seriously, discussing also polemically, or those who kneel before her icon.